نبیل
تکنیکی معاون
ایم کیو ایم جنرل ضیاءالحق اور ایجنسیوں کی تخلیق کردہ جماعت تھی جو کہ سندھ کے شہری علاقوں میں پیپلز پارٹی کا زور توڑنے کے لیے منظر عام پر لائی گئی تھی۔ 1986 میں ایک طالبہ بشری زیدی کی ایک ٹریفک حادثے میں ہلاکت کو بہانہ بنا کر کراچی پر جس مافیا کا قبضہ کروایا گیا وہ اب تک جاری ہے۔ کراچی اور حیدرآباد میں متحدہ کی سپورٹ ناقابل تردید ہے۔ الطاف حسین کو ملت کا رہبرورہنما تسلیم کیا جاتا ہے اور اسے فادر آف دی نیشن تک کہا جاتا ہے۔ 12 مئی 2007 کو معزول چیف جسٹس افتخار چوہدری کو کراچی میں داخلے سے روکنے کے لیے شہر میں جگہ جگہ رکاوٹیں کھری کی گئیں اور پورے شہر میں خون کی ہولی کھیلی گئی۔ اور عین اسی وقت اسلام آباد میں پرویز مشرف اور حکمران پارٹی کے لوگ سٹیج پر بھنگڑا ناچ رہے تھے اور مکا دکھا کر کہہ رہے تھے کہ 'دیکھی ہماری طاقت'۔ 9 اپریل 2008 کو کراچی میں 6 بے گناہ افراد کو زندہ جلا کر راکھ کر دیا گیا۔ لیکن کچھ دوستوں کی رائے میں آٹھ سال میں اس طرح کے 'چند معمول سے ہٹ کر واقعات' زیادہ اہمیت کے حامل نہیں ہیں اور ان کا ذکر عصبیت کو جنم دے گا۔ متحدہ کے کرتوتوں کو سامنے لانے کو اردو سپیکنگ طبقے کی توہین قرار دیا جاتا ہے۔ کیا کراچی اور حیدرآباد کے سارے عوام متحدہ کے حامی ہیں؟ کیا کراچی میں قتل و غارت گری کی مذمت کرنا تعصب پھیلانے کے مترادف ہے؟
ایم کیو ایم، یا متحدہ قومی موومنٹ کے مختلف ادوار میں فوج کے ساتھ ملوث ہونے کے بارے میں ایک مرتبہ روزنامہ ڈان کے تجزیہ نگار ایاز امیر نے کئی سال قبل ایک کالم لکھا تھا جس کا مطالعہ آج بھی معلومات میں اضافے کا باعث بن سکتا ہے۔ ذیل میں اس کے اقتباسات پیش کر رہا ہوں۔ اوپر کی تصویر میں الطاف حسین فخر سے اپنا برطانوی پاسپورٹ دکھا رہے ہیں۔ الطاف حسین برطانیہ کا شہری ہے اور وہ لندن کے ایک فلیٹ سے بذریعہ ٹیلی فون کراچی اور حیدرآباد کو کنٹرول کرتا ہے:
حوالہ . A love-hate relationship, Ayaz Amir
From 1990 when Nawaz Sharif became prime minister for the first time, until mid-1995 when Benazir Bhutto’s interior minister Naseerullah Babar launched a vicious crackdown against the MQM, Karachi remained in the grip of a reign of terror, far more sinister and all-embracing than any terror generated by any martial law. Dissidents went in fear of their lives. Armed gangs collected protection money across Karachi. Newspapers, including the most well-established, bowed before the prevailing winds.
General Aslam Beg, who became army chief on General Zia’s death, had an unmistakable soft corner for the MQM. Well-founded rumour had it that he helped pitch the MQM into the ranks of the opposition to then prime minister Benazir Bhutto.
General Asif Nawaz who stepped into Beg’s shoes had other ideas. Not long after his installation he decided to crack down on the MQM. Marked by half-measures, this move came to nothing, the MQM bruised but by no means incapacitated. In any event, the situation was sufficiently fraught to persuade Pir Altaf Hussain to leave Pakistan and take up self-exile in the United Kingdom.
As part of the anti-MQM campaign, the ubiquitous agencies, encouraged a splinter faction to break away from the parent body and challenge Altaf Hussain’s leadership.This splinter faction was known as the Haqiqis, or the real ones.
Naseerullah Babar’s mid-1995 crackdown, marked by a spree of extra-judicial killings of important MQM workers by the police (workers suspected of terrorism but convicted by no court of the crime) brought the organization to its knees. The Haqiqis ruled Karachi’s urban sprawl unchallenged.
This state of affairs continued until General Pervez Musharraf’s political requirements, allied perhaps with his intrinsic sympathies, brought about another turn of the wheel. At the time of the celebrated referendum in 2002 — an event famous for its long lines of phantom voters, voters spotted miraculously by no one except the eagle-eyed Chief Election Commissioner, Justice Irshad Hasan Khan — and the general elections in October the same year, in which the clear military interest was to manufacture a pro-Musharraf majority — Gen Musharraf needed all the political support he could get. One of the sources of that support was the MQM and its mercurial chief in London.
General Aslam Beg, who became army chief on General Zia’s death, had an unmistakable soft corner for the MQM. Well-founded rumour had it that he helped pitch the MQM into the ranks of the opposition to then prime minister Benazir Bhutto.
General Asif Nawaz who stepped into Beg’s shoes had other ideas. Not long after his installation he decided to crack down on the MQM. Marked by half-measures, this move came to nothing, the MQM bruised but by no means incapacitated. In any event, the situation was sufficiently fraught to persuade Pir Altaf Hussain to leave Pakistan and take up self-exile in the United Kingdom.
As part of the anti-MQM campaign, the ubiquitous agencies, encouraged a splinter faction to break away from the parent body and challenge Altaf Hussain’s leadership.This splinter faction was known as the Haqiqis, or the real ones.
Naseerullah Babar’s mid-1995 crackdown, marked by a spree of extra-judicial killings of important MQM workers by the police (workers suspected of terrorism but convicted by no court of the crime) brought the organization to its knees. The Haqiqis ruled Karachi’s urban sprawl unchallenged.
This state of affairs continued until General Pervez Musharraf’s political requirements, allied perhaps with his intrinsic sympathies, brought about another turn of the wheel. At the time of the celebrated referendum in 2002 — an event famous for its long lines of phantom voters, voters spotted miraculously by no one except the eagle-eyed Chief Election Commissioner, Justice Irshad Hasan Khan — and the general elections in October the same year, in which the clear military interest was to manufacture a pro-Musharraf majority — Gen Musharraf needed all the political support he could get. One of the sources of that support was the MQM and its mercurial chief in London.
